
USTR proposes 12.5% tariffs on 59 countries and the EU over forced labor. Legal experts say the accelerated 3-month investigation and novel legal theory face near-certain judicial challenge.
The Office of the U.S. Trade Representative (USTR) last week proposed tariffs of up to 12.5% on 59 countries and the European Union, citing widespread failure to restrict imports of goods produced by forced labor. The action, grounded in Section 301 of the Trade Act of 1974, marks a deliberate shift in the White House's trade war strategy after the Supreme Court struck down President Donald Trump's sweeping global tariff plan.
Trade Representative Jameison Greer stated in an X post that "the failure of our most important trading partners to address the importation of goods made with forced labor is unacceptable," adding that it "creates a dynamic where American workers are forced to compete globally on an unlevel playing field."
Forced labor is a pervasive global issue. The International Labour Organization (ILO) estimates that 27.6 million men, women, and children are victims of the practice daily. Around 86% of forced labor occurs in the private economy, while the remaining 14% results from state-imposed indentured servitude.
Approximately $236 billion in illegal profits is generated globally from forced labor every year, according to the ILO. Occupations such as mining, quarrying, manufacturing, and food services generate substantial illegal profits, ranging up to $4,944 per victim.
A 2025 report from the Homeland Security Operational Analysis Center (HSOAC) found that the U.S. made up a disproportionately large share of all direct imports of at-risk goods – goods the Bureau of International Labor Affairs believes are at elevated risk of being produced with forced labor. "In 2021, for example, the United States accounted for about 23 percent of those imports, by value, accounted for only about 13 percent of all global imports," the report stated.
U.S. legislation restricting forced labor imports dates back almost a century. Section 307 of the U.S. Tariff Act of 1930 marks an outright prohibition on imports made by forced labor. The UFLPA restricts imports from China's Xinjiang Uyghur Autonomous Region under an encompassing "reputable presumption" of coerced labor.
Recent Congressional review of Section 307 identified challenges including "fraud in the import process, the expansion of direct-to-consumer e-commerce, and limited access to technologies that enhance supply chain traceability."
Congressman Dan Bishop noted in a 2023 Congressional hearing that, more than a year after the UFLPA took effect, goods made with forced labor in Xinjiang were still entering the U.S. "[Customs and Border Protection] conducted isotopic testing on clothing samples, and found that 15 percent of the items tested positive for cotton from Xinjiang," Bishop said.
Customs and Border Protection (CBP) has detained significant volumes of goods. A CNBC report from 2023 found that CBP had detained $961 million worth of goods at the Port of New York and New Jersey within less than a year. Assistant Port Director Edward Fox said the agency targeted at-risk goods using national intelligence information and "expert cargo targeting systems."
Importers whose goods come under CBP scrutiny must produce conclusive evidence that the goods were produced without forced labor, typically within 30 days of detention. This is not a simple process. Millions of dollars' worth of cargo can be held at a single time, disrupting supply consistency and profitability. Paired with compounding storage and legal fees, companies face immense fiscal pressure when trying to prove fair labor practices throughout their sourcing.
Due to globalized production, tracing labor across a supply chain is difficult. A major garment or automotive manufacturer may source materials from several independently operating intermediaries.
"Intermediaries can sell goods to big buyers at the same rate as if they were carrying out fair labor practices," said Desirée LeClerq, an assistant professor at the University of Georgia School of Law with expertise in international trade and labor law. LeClerq noted that a large part of illegal profits attached to using forced labor comes from intermediaries. "The difference between production costs and the selling price is then taken in by the intermediary as profit."
Brandon Daniels, CEO of Exiger, which provides supply chain and third-party risk management to over 150 Fortune 500 companies and 60-plus government agencies including CBP, told CNBC earlier this year that many companies now go to suppliers directly and use their buying power to draw up contracts specifying where materials can be made. "This is just scratching the surface on how to monitor forced labor," he said.
Daniels alleged that Chinese companies have used forced labor during the trade war to drive cheap products into secondary nations with favorable tariff rates, then reroute those goods into the U.S. or other markets. "It's financial abuse," Daniels told CNBC.
Legal experts say the unilateral imposition of tariffs against 60 economies at once is unprecedented. Past applications of Section 301 have been more nuanced, used on a case-specific basis to target distinct areas of concern in international trade policy.
Trump has increased use of the trade law measure since he first became president. Before 2017, Section 301 was largely used as leverage in international trade disputes. Trump opened six investigations in his first term. President Biden launched just three, two of which he began during his last month in office.
The timeline of this USTR investigation has come under scrutiny. Section 301 investigations are typically given a 12-month window after initiation to produce final reports. This round of investigations, broad in scope, produced findings on all 60 economies in less than three months.
Legal experts pointed to the fact that the U.S. allegations are being made despite the difficulties the U.S. has itself faced in fighting forced labor.
"I actually kind of felt bad for USTR, because in order to show a Section 301 violation, it had to argue two things," said LeClerq, who laid out her issues with the tariffs in a post for the International Economic Law and Policy Blog. "First, it had to argue that forced labor goods are still making it into the United States, because if it can't say that, then it can't say that our producers are [being] harmed. [Next,] it had to argue that CBP is doing a very effective job, in order to show that it's the lack of effectiveness in other countries that places the United States at a disadvantage."
Ryan Last, associate, and Daniel N. Anziska, partner, at Troutman Pepper Locke wrote in an analysis that the administration's initiation of Section 301 investigations "represents a deliberate effort to establish a durable, legally defensible foundation for broad-based tariffs that does not depend on emergency powers or congressional reauthorization."
USTR will likely fall back on the language of the statute itself, which explicitly authorizes the agency to use tariffs as a retaliatory measure against forced labor practices.
While Section 301-based tariffs hold more substantive legal basis than those issued under IEEPA, the way they were brought forth could complicate their validity.
"The novel legal theories underlying this Section 301 action – particularly the assertion that the mere absence of a foreign import prohibition constitutes an 'unreasonable' practice – will likely face judicial challenge," Last and Anziska wrote.
"Guaranteed," LeClerq said, when asked if these Section 301 tariffs could end up in court in the near future.
For companies with exposure to imports from the 60 targeted economies, the immediate risk is operational. Importers whose goods face CBP detention must navigate the 30-day evidentiary window, with compounding storage and legal fees creating fiscal pressure. The broader market risk is legal uncertainty: if courts strike down the tariffs, the trade policy landscape reverts to the pre-Supreme Court vacuum. If courts uphold them, the precedent could enable further broad-based Section 301 actions on other trade issues.
For traders tracking stock market analysis, the sectors most exposed include retail, automotive, and apparel – industries with deep supply chains in the targeted economies. The enforcement mechanism itself – CBP detention rather than border rejection – creates a cash-flow risk for importers that may not show up in headline tariff rates.
Practical rule: The 30-day CBP detention clock is the binding constraint, not the 12.5% tariff rate. Importers without auditable supply chain traceability face operational disruption regardless of the legal outcome.
The timeline for the next concrete catalyst is short. Legal challenges are expected within weeks, not months. The USTR's accelerated three-month investigation timeline – a quarter of the standard window – is the most vulnerable procedural point. A court ruling on that issue would determine whether the tariffs survive or collapse, and with them, the administration's alternative pathway for trade war enforcement.
Prepared with AlphaScala research tooling and grounded in primary market data: live prices, fundamentals, SEC filings, hedge-fund holdings, and insider activity. Each story is checked against AlphaScala publishing rules before release. Educational coverage, not personalized advice.