
The real question is not whether someone calls himself a Marxist. It is whether the ideas he promotes are Marxist ideas. Mises and Hayek both warned that the most dangerous socialism wears no label at all.
A dust-up at the Smithsonian over accusations of Marxist indoctrination has the usual suspects arguing about names. One staffer scoffed that critics call any interpretation they dislike Marxist. The museum says it is just trying to be inclusive.
That is the wrong fight. The real question is not whether someone calls himself a Marxist. It is whether the ideas he promotes are Marxist ideas.
Ludwig von Mises saw this clearly. He wrote that Marxist ideology enjoys “complete acceptance” in the general population, accepted by many who would never describe themselves as Marxists. It would be impossible to fight socialism, he argued, if we confined our attention to card-carrying members of communist parties and avowed followers of Marx and Engels.
Mises said that if we include under “Marxist” all who have accepted the basic Marxian principles – that class conditions thought, that socialism is inevitable, that research into the socialist community is unscientific – we will find very few non-Marxists in Europe east of the Rhine, and even in Western Europe and the United States many more supporters than opponents of Marxism.
“Of course, not Marxists alone, but most of those who emphatically declare themselves anti-Marxists, think entirely on Marxist lines and have adopted Marx’s arbitrary, unconfirmed and easily refutable dogmas,” Mises wrote. “If and when they come into power, they govern and work entirely in the socialist spirit.”
Many people hold one or more principles Marxists would agree with, without being Marxists. For example, Mises’s point that Marxists “deny that Logic is universally valid for all mankind and for all ages” is a widespread belief. Many deem it plausible that each class, culture, or race follows a logic unique to itself. Polylogism is a foundational Marxist doctrine, but not all polylogists are Marxists.
The Nazis were racial polylogists, but no one would mistake them for Marxists. Communists were their dread enemies, and they fought brutal street battles for years despite sharing many socialist beliefs. On Feb. 11, 1927, a Nazi Party meeting turned into a violent brawl between the two groups. Beer glasses, chairs and tables flew through the hall, and severely injured people were left lying covered with blood on the floor. For Joseph Goebbels, it was a triumph: his thugs beat up about 200 communists and drove them from the hall.
Debate continues over whether Nazis were really socialists. They called themselves socialists, but self-described socialists like Scott Sehon say the Nazis do not count. David Gordon pointed out in response that Sehon never investigates what the Nazis meant by the word or why they used it.
Mises defined socialism as “the socialization of the means of production with its corollary, the centralized control of the whole of production by one social or, more accurately, state organ.” But if North Korea is almost the only country that will admit to being socialist by that definition, the word serves little purpose in understanding the contemporary world.
In Omnipotent Government, Mises described the Nazis’ economic system as “socialism in the outward guise of capitalism.” He was not impressed that formal ownership of the means of production remained in private hands. “Market exchange is only a sham,” he wrote. “All the prices, wages, and interest rates are fixed by the central authority. They are prices, wages, and interest rates in appearance only; in reality they are merely determinations of quantity relations in the government’s orders. The government, not the consumers, directs production.”
F.A. Hayek took a similar approach in The Road to Serfdom. He observed that many people thought socialism could not possibly be as bad as he warned. English socialists were not followers of Marx and Engels, nor did they agree with Stalin’s brutal methods. Six years of socialist government in England had not produced anything resembling a totalitarian state, so it did not seem there was much to worry about.
Hayek’s response: “But those who argue that this has disproved the thesis of The Road to Serfdom have really missed one of its main points: that the most important change which extensive government control produces is a psychological change, an alteration in the character of the people.”
By character, he meant political ideals and attitudes toward authority. People become accustomed to being controlled by political overlords. They forget what it means to live free, and they become increasingly unlikely to object to the schemes of “the unscrupulous and uninhibited” politicians Hayek identified as the ringleaders in a society tending toward totalitarianism.
The important issue is not taxonomy. It is identifying and addressing the threats to liberty. Ideas and policies must be evaluated on their own merits, not by classification and labeling. We can and should oppose Marxist doctrines even if the people advancing them deny being Marxists. The real threat comes from their policies, no matter how benign their stated intentions.
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