
A former USPTO director and a law professor say U.S. IP diplomacy is stuck on enforcement campaigns while China builds a system that serves its strategic goals. The next norms may be written in Shanghai.
A foreign policy journal turned down an article arguing that intellectual property belongs at the center of U.S. foreign policy. The rejection, its authors say, is itself evidence of the problem.
The piece, written by former USPTO Director David Kappos and law professor Adam Mossoff, eventually ran in The National Interest on July 13. It draws on years of bipartisan testimony before Congress and advocacy by the coalition C4IP, Senator Thom Tillis, and former PTO Director Andrei Iancu. The core argument is that Washington has treated intellectual property as a subsidiary concern in trade negotiations while Beijing has elevated it to a strategic instrument.
China's approach is visible in the writings of its leading IP scholar Ma Yide. In recent articles published in China Social Sciences Daily and People's Daily, Ma argued that Beijing should develop its own intellectual property knowledge system, strengthen its international "discourse power," and integrate IP more closely into national development strategy. The proposal to establish a World AI Cooperation Organization in Shanghai fits the same pattern. Beijing is no longer content to apply rules written by others. It wants to write the next set.
U.S. policy remains anchored in an older view. The Phase One Trade Agreement, signed in 2020, repeated demands that China conduct special IP enforcement campaigns. Similar demands have surfaced for thirty years. Kappos and Mossoff argue that the emphasis on criminal and administrative enforcement elevates the state's policing role while doing little to build a transparent civil judicial system. The commitments remain largely unverifiable because the United States has not insisted on corresponding transparency measures, including the publication of judicial decisions, administrative rulings, and enforcement data.
A specific failure stands out. In the WTO dispute over standard-essential patents, DS611, the United States argued that China was not obligated to disclose unpublished judicial policies. Kappos and Mossoff call this a category error. When Washington stops insisting on transparency in China's civil courts, it does not preserve leverage. It signals that private enforcement rights are negotiable.
The continuing emphasis on "IP theft" has distracted policymakers from the role played by China's civil intellectual property system, the authors say. It has contributed to a criminal bias in U.S. IP diplomacy, despite the central role that civil remedies play in the American system. The decline in sustained engagement between USTR and its Chinese counterparts, the lack of verifiable commitments, and the avoidance of engagement with China's civil system have left rights holders in an increasingly difficult position.
About a decade ago, Mossoff proposed a Fordham Law conference called "The Future of Intellectual Property in a China-Dominated World." The late Professor Hugh Hansen, who ran the conference, thought the title too pessimistic. Time has blurred the line between pessimism and realism. The pressures on the market-oriented IP system do not come solely from China. They come from changes in U.S. law, including the erosion of patent-eligible subject matter and weaker injunctive remedies.
Kappos and Mossoff argue that the United States must treat intellectual property as a private right first, insist on civil-judicial transparency in China, modernize domestic patent law, and recognize that Beijing already operates as a norm-setter. The next generation of the international IP system may not look like the one Washington designed after World War II. It may look like one Shanghai prefers.
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