
India's impasse with South Asian neighbours carries economic costs as regional elites drift away. Nitin Pai argues a policy reset toward asymmetric concessions could unlock energy, transit and trade deals.
India's relationship with its South Asian neighbours sits at an impasse, and the deadlock carries real economic costs, according to Nitin Pai, co-founder of the Takshashila Institution. New governments in Nepal, Bangladesh, Sri Lanka and Maldives, along with a young king in Bhutan and a resurgent Pakistan, have changed the political dynamics. New Delhi's default approach over the past two decades has been to prioritise relations with the US, China and East Asia, putting the subcontinental neighbourhood on the back burner. That strategy helped India's economy triple in real terms, Pai said. It left a legacy of punitive restrictions and unmet potential.
The risk now is that India forfeits long-term influence in markets where it holds natural advantages. Nepal and Bhutan want to export hydroelectric power. Bangladesh needs river water and intermediate inputs for its garment industry. Sri Lanka and Maldives need fuel, food, finance and market access. India needs electricity from its Himalayan neighbours, transit through Bangladesh and maritime cooperation with Sri Lanka and the Maldives. On paper the deals are win-win. In practice they rarely happen, Pai wrote in a Mint column.
The exposure extends beyond bilateral trade. A generation ago, Nepali families sent children to India for higher education. Now they go to Singapore. Maldivians prefer Kuala Lumpur to Kochi. Bhutanese officials connect with Silicon Valley. This drift deepens India's relative isolation in its own backyard. International migration has linked South Asian societies to Europe, Australia and West Asia, bypassing New Delhi entirely.
Pai described a recurring pattern in India's approach to the region. First, a strong desire to keep external powers from gaining influence. Second, recognition that asymmetric concessions are needed but rarely delivered. Third, a preference for bilateralism over multilateral forums such as Saarc, where smaller neighbours could coalesce. Fourth, treating Pakistan as a separate category. Fifth, denominating cooperation in slow-moving infrastructure projects run by public-sector units. The cost of this pattern is measured in lost trade, stranded energy projects and the steady diversion of regional elites toward other economic hubs.
What would reduce the risk? A shift toward treating each neighbour on its own merits, rather than through the lens of domestic politics or geopolitical anxiety, Pai argued. Constantino Xavier, an analyst cited by Pai, framed asymmetric concessions as enlightened self-interest, not generosity. Coercive tools such as squeezing transit or restricting trade can achieve short-term goals, Pai said. They come at the cost of long-term influence. A new pattern would open doors for students, business people and officials to connect with India, reversing the current drift.
What would increase the risk is a continuation of the status quo. Bilateralism that isolates India, retaliatory restrictions that alienate neighbours, and an overriding focus on countering China all deepen the impasse. The neighbourhood has agency, Pai noted. Even small countries such as Maldives and Bhutan have their own priorities. If New Delhi does not offer better terms, others will.
A concrete marker of the risk is Bangladesh's extradition demand for former prime minister Sheikh Hasina. Dhaka wants something New Delhi cannot give. Pai argued the way to manage such a standoff is by solving other problems with larger payoffs – water sharing, trade facilitation, energy cooperation – and making a habit of resolving them. Jettisoning legacy issues in favour of future-oriented deals offers the best path forward, he wrote, not least because younger generations across the region see the old grievances as irrelevant.
The gradual erosion of India's neighbourhood influence mirrors the kind of slow-moving policy build-up that markets often overlook until it is too late. The next few years, as new governments settle and connectivity projects are negotiated, will determine whether New Delhi breaks the pattern or sees its economic position in the region weaken further.
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