
DeBoer shows how elite capture turned social justice into symbolism. Police funding polls and education research reveal a movement disconnected from material change. Implications for investors watching cultural trends.
Freddie DeBoer is a Marxist who attacks the left. That tension makes him worth reading, especially for anyone who assumes the social justice movement of the past half-decade changed outcomes.
His newer book, How the Elites Ate the Social Justice Movement, traces how a movement that erupted after George Floyd's murder failed to deliver material results. Minneapolis offered a clean example. The city council voted to abolish the police department, then shifted to budget cuts, then approved a funding increase for the same department it had set out to dissolve. DeBoer calls that elite capture – a drift from concrete reforms to symbolic victories.
One number stood out. At the height of the 2020 protests, 55 percent of Black respondents wanted police spending in their area to stay the same or increase. By September 2021 that number had climbed to 76 percent. The polling suggests the movement's priorities never matched the people it claimed to represent.
DeBoer's earlier book, The Cult of Smart, dismantles a different kind of consensus – the belief that education can fix inequality. He argues that academic outcomes are largely determined before a child sets foot in kindergarten. Genetics, birth weight, parental income, and home environment matter far more than school quality. A child controls none of those factors. If intellectual ability is mostly inherited, then a meritocracy that rewards that ability is no fairer than a caste system based on height.
DeBoer points out that progressives in other domains readily attribute outcomes to biology. Overweight people get sympathy for genetic causes. Mental illness is not blamed on willpower. When it comes to intelligence, the same people insist anyone can be brilliant with enough effort. That double standard, DeBoer says, is the Cult of Smart.
He cites academic research that cuts against the education reform industry. Random assignment to a better school in Chicago, Beijing, or Kenya produced no measurable improvement in outcomes. Selective public high schools like Hunter in New York make no difference once you control for student ability. Elite colleges offer no earnings premium over a comparable non-elite school when SAT scores are held constant. The studies keep piling up, and the policy world keeps ignoring them.
DeBoer calls this madness from a strategic angle. Left activists routinely write off the white working class as irredeemably racist. That group helped elect Obama and then Trump. DeBoer sees refusing to engage with that complexity as political suicide. White voters make up 70 percent of the electorate. Telling them their success must come at someone else's expense is a losing strategy.
He reserves special scorn for performative language policing. The idea that the phrase "I see what you mean" is ableist because some people cannot see struck DeBoer as nuts. He chose the word carefully.
Both books land on a common theme: within-group variation matters more than between-group gaps. Two students of the same age, race, gender, income, and neighborhood can have wildly different academic outcomes. The education debate focuses almost exclusively on the gap between black and white students or rich and poor students. DeBoer thinks the real question is why some kids from identical circumstances succeed while others fail. That line of inquiry leads straight back to genetic and developmental factors that no school policy can touch.
DeBoer's solution is not conservative. He still wants redistribution on a scale that would make Bernie Sanders blush. He insists that progressives must first admit hard truths about ability and inequality. A meritocracy that actually worked would be crueler than the current broken system, because it would blame people for traits they never chose. The blogger Scott Alexander captured this in a piece titled "The Parable of the Talents." DeBoer quotes it approvingly.
For anyone tired of the culture war treadmill, these two books offer a framework that explains why the past five years of activism produced so little change. The answer is not bad strategy or insufficient zeal. It is a refusal to confront what the data says about human variation and political coalitions. DeBoer makes that case with enough evidence and self-awareness to avoid sounding like a polemicist. He is a critic of the left who genuinely believes the left should win.
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