
The Court upheld Trump's TPS termination for 350,000 Haitians, ruling that racist statements don't matter if a non-racial justification exists. Legal scholars called it an impossible burden.
The Supreme Court on Thursday ruled that the Trump administration could end temporary protected status for 350,000 Haitians and 6,100 Syrians, accepting the government's non-racial justifications despite extensive evidence of racist intent. The 6-3 decision in Mullin v. Doe holds that as long as a plausible race-neutral basis for a policy exists, discriminatory motive does not invalidate it.
Justice Samuel Alito wrote the majority opinion. He acknowledged that President Trump had called Haiti a "shithole" country, said Haitian immigrants "all have AIDS," and accused them of eating pets. Alito concluded those statements were not "overtly racial." Instead, he substituted his own race-neutral explanations for what the president might have meant. “One may oppose TPS and favor tighter restrictions on immigration for economic or other reasons that have nothing to do with race,” Alito wrote.
Justice Elena Kagan dissented. She wrote: “The evidence is there, plain to see, in the President’s statements, which the majority (and for that matter, his own lawyers) cannot even bear to repeat.” Alito's opinion never quotes Trump's remarks directly.
The ruling sets a legal standard that legal scholars say makes discrimination nearly impossible to prove. Guy-Uriel Charles, a Harvard Law professor, told me Alito's opinion “basically sets up an impossible burden for plaintiffs because race is rarely going to be the sole justification” for a policy. Aderson Francois, a Georgetown Law professor, said: “As long as there is a plausible basis–any plausible articulable basis–for the government’s action, then the Court will look to that basis as sufficient, even in the face of evidence that government actors were motivated by animus.”
The decision fits a broader pattern from the Roberts Court. In May's Louisiana v. Callais, the Court ruled that requiring Louisiana to draw a second majority-Black congressional district was an unconstitutional racial gerrymander. Alito argued that Republicans were entitled to discriminate against Black voters if they said their purpose was partisan. In the 2009 case Ricci v. DeStefano, Alito dismissed as pretextual the city of New Haven's explanation for throwing out firefighter promotion tests on which white candidates outperformed Black colleagues. When a Virginia school adopted a race-neutral, class-based affirmative action policy that changed the student body's demographics, Alito insisted the policy was by definition racist.
Melissa Murray, a law professor at NYU, told me: “This Court sees race when it wants to, and blinds itself to racism in most other cases. It’s hard to imagine how egregious the statement would have to be to be considered 'overtly racial.'”
Alito noted that the administration had eliminated TPS protections for countries across Africa and Asia. “Most would regard this as a racially diverse group,” he wrote, as if discriminating against all nonwhite people does not count as racism. The administration has implemented what critics call a whites-only refugee policy that accepts solely South Africans of European descent. Trump has said immigrants from Africa and Asia have “bad genes” and are “poisoning the blood of our country.” After the ruling, White House adviser Stephen Miller celebrated: “We can finally remove these Haitian illegal migrants.”
Francois compared the current Court to the 1880s justices who opened the door to Jim Crow. “At least the 19th-century Court had the intellectual courage to state its racist convictions plainly,” he said.
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