
Patrick Henry, Brutus, and Cato warned the 1787 Constitution would concentrate power, creating an imperial presidency and federal judiciary supremacy. Their predictions on executive overreach still resonate.
The catalyst was the 1787 Constitutional Convention. The delegates exceeded their mandate to amend the Articles of Confederation. What they produced instead was a frame of government that Anti-Federalists said would create a distant, all-powerful central empire.
Patrick Henry told the Virginia ratifying convention the Constitution contained “no checks, no real balances.” The country, he predicted, would become a “powerful and mighty empire.” Agrippa, writing under that pen name, mocked the idea that a republic of six million people could be “reduced to the same standard of morals or habits and of laws.” He called it an absurdity.
Brutus, in the New York Journal, zeroed in on the General Welfare Clause in Article I. The “most natural and grammatical construction” of that clause, Brutus wrote, gave Congress “general and unlimited power of legislation in all cases.” The Commerce Clause drew the same scrutiny. Anti-Federalists demanded to know what “regulate” meant and what “commerce” included. The Constitution did not say.
Brutus also foretold that the federal judiciary would “swallow up the State courts.” Article III, Section 2, he argued, would enable the Supreme Court to “subvert” the judicial power of the states. Cato and Elbridge Gerry warned of an imperial presidency. Cato wrote that the president’s office “differs very immaterially from the establishment of monarchy in Great Britain.”
The British monarch is now largely ceremonial. The American president holds far more unilateral power than any monarch in practice. Presidents have used executive orders to bypass Congress. They have exempted political allies from laws. They have suspended enforcement of statutes they disliked. Cato’s warning underestimated the scope.
The Anti-Federalists lost the ratification vote. The Bill of Rights was added as a concession. The structural problems they identified never went away. The General Welfare Clause and the Commerce Clause have been interpreted so broadly that the federal government now regulates nearly every aspect of life. The federal judiciary routinely overrules state courts. The president acts as commander-in-chief and chief executive with few meaningful checks.
Constitutional scholar James McClellan, in his work Liberty, Order, And Justice, described the Anti-Federalists as strong advocates of States Rights. They believed that self-government and individual liberty were best protected at the local level. A distant central government, the kind created in Philadelphia, threatened those values.
Brutus noted that the Constitution was written “in general and indefinite terms, which are either equivocal, ambiguous, or which require definition.” That ambiguity, he argued, allowed each generation to expand federal power without amending the document. Two centuries of war, economic crisis, and political convenience have proved his point.
Patrick Henry’s thunder still echoes: the Constitution had “no checks, no real balances.” The Anti-Federalists were right about the trajectory, even if they lost the vote.
Prepared with AlphaScala research tooling and grounded in primary market data: live prices, fundamentals, SEC filings, hedge-fund holdings, and insider activity. Each story is checked against AlphaScala publishing rules before release. Educational coverage, not personalized advice.